Wednesday, August 9, 2017

Kenya Raila rejects results of Election 2017

Thursday, March 30, 2017

Famine: Number of Kenyans going hungry doubles to 3 million, says Red Cross - World - Pulse

Kenya is one of several East African countries suffering from food crises, along with Ethiopia, South Sudan and Somalia.
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The drought in Kenya has exacerbated clashes between pastoralist communities, which have left over 30 people dead, and also imperilled wildlifeplay

The drought in Kenya has exacerbated clashes between pastoralist communities, which have left over 30 people dead, and also imperilled wildlife

The number of Kenyans needing emergency food aid has doubled in the past three months to three million, the Red Cross said Tuesday, as the impact of a devastating drought worsens.

Kenya is one of several East African countries suffering from food crises, along with EthiopiaSouth Sudan -- where famine has already been declared -- and Somalia, on the brink of its third famine in 25 years.
Outside the region, Yemen and Nigeria are also facing famine, in what the United Nations has called the worst humanitarian crisis since the end of World War II.
Like many of its neighbours, Kenya is suffering the effects of two failed rainy seasons in a row, hugely reducing crop harvests. Food prices have soared, pushing inflation to a five-year high of nine percent in February.
"The situation is getting worse every day. Malnutrition rates among children are steadily climbing. Children are getting sick, and livelihoods of families have been decimated following the loss of thousands of their livestock," Dr Abbas Gullet, secretary general of the Kenya Red Cross Society, said in a statement.
"It is more and more difficult for people to access water -– people are having to travel for up to three times as long just to get water for their family."
In Kenya the drought has also exacerbated clashes between pastoralist communities, which have left over 30 people dead, and also imperilled wildlife -- a main drawcard for tourists.
The number of Kenyans going hungry could increase to four million in the coming weeks, the statement said.
More than 340,000 children under the age of five are also acutely malnourished.
"We are running out of words to describe the situation in affected parts of Kenya, and across the region," said Fatoumata Nafo-Traore, the International Federation of Red Cross regional director for Africa.
"Our message is simple: humanitarian organisations need resources to respond at the scale that is needed. If we don't, then thousands of people may die, and children will be affected for the rest of their lives.
"And we won't be able to say 'we didn't know'."

Sunday, December 25, 2016

Documents reveal Britain made secret deal to defend Kenya in case of invasion by Somalia - Daily Nation

A member of the General Service Unit in Kula Mawe, North Eastern Province during an operation against shiftas. PHOTO | COURTESY
A member of the General Service Unit in Kula Mawe, North Eastern Province during an operation against shiftas. PHOTO | COURTESY 
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Britain made a secret undertaking in 1967 to defend Kenya in case of an invasion by Somalia, declassified documents recently released from the Prime Minister’s office in London reveal.
The deal, known as the “Bamburi Understanding”, was a reassurance following a non-committal statement made by Mr Duncan Sandys, the British Secretary of State for the Colonies, in 1964.
Without making any concrete commitment, Mr Sandys had told Kenya’s new government that in case of an attack by Somalia, it was probable that Britain would intervene.
Somalia, which was then considered to have one of the region’s most powerful armies equipped with sophisticated Soviet-made weapons, had threatened to annex the north eastern part of Kenya in pursuit of its Greater Somalia policy. President Jomo Kenyatta’s administration had since independence in 1963 been grappling with a secessionist conflict in the north east, known as the Shifta War, that was supported by Somalia. Indeed, Somali Prime minister Muhammad Egal had told British MPs in 1962 of the intention to unite all territories occupied by Somalis in Kenya and Ethiopia
When Somalia’s aggressive action seemed likely to lead to an invasion of Kenya in 1966, President Kenyatta quickly dispatched Attorney-General Charles Njonjo and Agriculture Minister Bruce Mckenzie to London to pressure the British government to not only give reassurances of protecting Kenya but also provide more sophisticated equipment.
According to the declassified documents, although the British government turned down the request for arms terming it “unrealistic”, Prime Minister Harold Wilson, in a private message to President Kenyatta, committed to consider protecting Kenya from Somalia’s aggression.
This private message marked “secret” was what came to be known as the “Bamburi Understanding”.
“If Kenya were the victim of outright aggression by Somalia, the British government would give the situation most urgent consideration. While the British government cannot in advance give the Kenya Government any assurance of automatic assistance, the possibility of Britain giving the Kenyans assistance in the event of organised and unprovoked armed attack by Somalia is not precluded,” the message read.
Nine months after the “Bamburi Understanding”, a key diplomatic milestone was achieved when mediation spearheaded by Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda led to the signing of the Arusha Memorandum between Kenya and Somalia to end border hostilities.
But the Somalia government, which had signed the Arusha Memorandum, was overthrown and replaced by a military junta led by General Siad Barre in 1969.
This resulted in apprehension with senior Kenyan officials fearing that General Barre was more likely to revive and pursue the Greater Somalia ambitions actively.
As if that was not enough, Kenya suffered another blow when the British Labour administration, which had made defence commitments through the “Bamburi Understanding,” was replaced by the Conservatives under Prime Minister Edward Heath in June 1970, creating further anxiety.
This sudden turn of events forced President Kenyatta to send Mr Njonjo and Mr Mckenzie with a private letter seeking reaffirmation from the new British Prime Minister on maintaining the security understanding.
“I have asked them (Mr Njonjo and Mr Mckenzie) to discuss with you what we now here call the Bamburi Understanding. I hope that you will kindly discuss this matter with my ministers who have my authority to do so. I am keen that the understanding should be continued with your government,” read the letter dated August 30, 1970 and signed by President Kenyatta.
Mr Mckenzie, who was on sick leave in Britain, booked the appointment with the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) to deliver the letter to Number 10 Downing Street, the Prime Minister’s residence in London.
The appointment was confirmed for September 8, 1970 at 11 am.
Four days before the meeting, a brief was forwarded to Prime Minister Heath by the FCO warning that President Kenyatta was going to be unhappy if Britain refused to carry on with the “Bamburi Understanding”. The brief argued that Kenyans were among the most moderate on the “Arms for South Africa” issue — in reference to Britain selling weapons to the Apartheid government despite widespread opposition from many African countries — making it crucial for the new British government not to antagonise them.
In the brief that was written in the context of the Cold War between the Western and Eastern blocs, the Prime Minister was also advised to raise British concerns with the Kenyan emissaries about the Soviet Union’s attempts to penetrate East Africa. There was also to be the clincher that the former colonial masters were willing to co-operate on the defence problem so long as British soldiers were allowed continued access to Kenyan military facilities.
Biographical notes annexed to the brief further give insights on how the British viewed the two Kenyan ministers.
Mr Njonjo was described as one of the closest and friendliest ministers to the British High Commission in Nairobi. Although he lacked political will or the grassroots support to win the presidency, he was viewed as a leading architect in the Kenyatta succession.
The Prime Minister’s office was also informed that Mr Njonjo loved to have mid-morning tea with hot milk but there should also be Indian tea with cold milk and Chinese tea with lemon.
In their brief, the British officials, however, sneered that Mr Njonjo’s undoing in the Kenyan political context was that he was “obviously presenting a very Western image politically and personally even to the extent of a black jacket and striped trousers and a rose buttonhole daily”.
On his part, Mr Mckenzie was described as a “dynamo of the Kenya Government machine” whose influence extended far beyond his Agriculture ministry. He was also described as a member of President Kenyatta’s inner circle who had gained the respect of the Kenyan European community with whom he previously had a difficult relationship.
“But he always puts Kenya’s interest first. Tries to be genuinely non-aligned when it serves Kenya’s interests,” added the FCO brief.
However, Kenya had a special request to make: It wanted Mr Njonjo’s presence in London and the existence of the “Bamburi Understanding” kept secret.
Not even the Kenyan High Commissioner in London was supposed to know about the mission, according to a confidential letter from a Mr McClauney of the FCO to the Prime Minister’s office.
Mr McClauney, however, advised that if Mr Njonjo’s visit leaked, a statement should be released that he had brought a personal message from President Kenyatta and that it was not the practice to disclose the contents of such messages. And if the media assumed that the subject of the meeting was selling arms to South Africa, then this assumption should be allowed to stand.
The secrecy of the meeting was emphasised to Prime Minister Heath by the British Secretary of State: “While I understand that you wish in general for publicity to be given to your discussion with African and other Commonwealth leaders, we feel that in this case it would be right to respect the Kenyan request, in so far as we can do so without appearing disingenuous.”
Arrangements were, therefore, made for Mr Njonjo and Mr Mckenzie to enter the British Prime Minister’s office through the Cabinet office instead of the main entrance to avoid public attention.
During the meeting, the declassified documents indicate, Mr Mckenzie pointed out the importance of reaffirming the “Bamburi Understanding”. In return, the British forces would be free to continue using Nairobi Airport, the Mombasa port as well as military training facilities in Kenya. They also had great interest in retaining the British special forces who were training Kenya’s General Service Unit commandos and the Special Branch. The visiting ministers linked the work the British special forces were doing in Kenya to the security arrangement against Somali’s aggression.
In response, the British Prime Minister said that in principle he saw nothing wrong in reaffirming the “Bamburi Understanding” but promised to have the issue fully considered and a reply sent to President Kenyatta.
Prime Minister Heath also promised to consider the request to have the special forces remain in Kenya and pointed out his government did not wish to reduce the use of Kenyan military facilities by British troops. He, however, warned that British military resources were stretched at the time because of instability in Northern Ireland.
But the discussions went beyond defence matters, according to the documents. Mr Njonjo and Mr Mckenzie also discussed development and diplomatic issues. For example, they said that while they appreciated Britain’s support, there were problems with the administration of the aid programme since conditions laid down by the previous Labour government were inflexible, projects were delayed and important payments also held up longer than necessary.
Mr Mckenzie suggested it would be helpful if Kenya’s Finance minister Mwai Kibaki, who was at an International Monetary Fund meeting in Copenhagen, passed through London to meet the British minister for Overseas Development.
The two also felt that Kenya no longer enjoyed close contacts with British government officials and urged Prime Minister Heath to ask one of his junior ministers to take a special interest in Africa and get to know the continent’s leaders personally.
Following the meeting, British officials embarked on drafting the Prime Minister’s reply. But they also secretly noted Mr Mckenzie’s and Mr Njonjo’s ignorance on the “Bamburi Understanding” for linking it to the presence of British special forces and access to Kenyan military facilities.
While the arrangement for British forces to use Kenyan military facilities, airports and harbours was agreed upon at independence with Mr Sandys, who was the British Secretary of State for the Colonies, and the training of the GSU commandoes came into existence in December 1964, the “Bamburi Understanding” was in January 1967.
But British Foreign Secretary Sir Alec Douglas-Home did not think it was worth getting into an argument on the three issues in the Prime Minister’s letter to President Kenyatta.
As late as May 1981, the agreement was still in existence, according to a brief prepared for Margaret Thatcher, the first female British Prime minister (1979-1990), when she met Kenya’s then Foreign Minister Robert Ouko in London.
“Kenya has our friendship/support. Kenya policy to stand on her own feet militarily is right. We will continue to help Kenya absorb new equipment,” said the brief.
It added that in case Somali attacked Kenya “UK would give all help it could, but it is unlikely our response could include commitment of combat troops. Nor indeed do we suppose that Kenya would wish for this.”
Ironically, despite the fears in the 1960s, it was the Kenyan Defence Forces that would go into Somalia decades later, in October 2011, to pursue al-Shabaab terrorists. The Kenyan forces are now part of the African Union Mission in Somalia that is trying to restore security in the country that has been grappling with civil war since the collapse of the Barre regime in 1991.

Sunday, August 14, 2016

Kenya : Kenyans flee Ethiopian border for fear of clashes after gun attack

Kenyans flee Ethiopian border for fear of clashes after gun attack By Lucas Ngasike Updated Sun, August 14th 2016 at 00:00 GMT +3 SHARE THIS ARTICLE PHOTO: COURTESY Kenyans are fleeing the Ethiopian border for fear of a clash between the Dassanach community of Ethiopia and the Turkana following the killing of an elder last month. Ethiopian elder Lobakate Lobolemai was shot dead on July 31 by a Turkana gunman during a church service in Turkana North Sub-county. The attacker stormed the church and selectively shot Lobolemai. The elder had crossed to Kenya with members of Dassanach Catholic Church from Koro and Omorate villages in South Omo, Ethiopia, to attend the 10th anniversary of Our Lady of Peace Todonyang Catholic Mission at the border point. The Ethiopian authorities gave Kenya a week, which ended last week, to produce the suspect in court. Members of the Dassanach community threatened an unspecified action if the assailant is not apprehended. This killing is likely to disrupt a peace accord between the two communities, which ended several years of bloody conflicts along the border. “We are troubled by this incident. We fear the Dassanach community will retaliate. The suspect has spoiled peace that we have been enjoying in this region. Tension is now high between the communities,” said Todonyang resident Osman Eleman. READ MORE Kiraitu tells Munya off, says PNU is in Jubilee Storm as ‘ghost’ CJ approves new code of ethics Gusii leaders face hostile crowd at MCAs burial Mr Eleman said more than 130 have been killed along the border following conflicts between the neighbouring Merille and Turkana communities. Turkana North OCS Francis Siror said they have launched a manhunt for the attacker. “We are using some Turkana elders to trace the suspect. The rough terrain and poor network in the region has frustrated our efforts to trace him, but our search is still on,” Mr Siror said. The Ethiopia Government has sent a protest letter to Kenyan authorities seeking to arrest the suspect. It threatened to take the matter to an international court. Source said the Ethiopian authorities want the suspect arrested and handed over to them for trial. “We the Government of Ethiopia are very sad about the incident, which occurred in Todonyang Mission camp.

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Saturday, January 2, 2016

Ethiopian police raid Moyale village, abduct 2 Kenyans and steal guns, Marsabit Commissioner Kanga says

Ethiopian police raid Moyale village, abduct 2 Kenyans and steal guns, Marsabit Commissioner Kanga says By Cyrus Ombati Updated Saturday, January 2nd 2016 at 20:07 GMT +3 Share this story: Share on Facebook Tweet Google Plus Linkedin 2 Comments President Uhuru Kenyatta with the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Hailemariam Desalegn after officiating the launch of the Cross-Border Integrated Programme for Sustainable Peace and Socio-Economic Transformation on the border of the two countries in Moyale, Marsabit County. This was in December 2015. NAIROBI: Two Kenyan civilians are missing after they were abducted and two firearms stolen from police reservists by Ethiopian security personnel in Bori Village in Moyale, Marsabit County. Officials said the incident happened on Saturday morning. Marsabit County Commissioner Moffat Kanga said an unknown number of people believed to be Ethiopian police reservists struck Bori near the Kenya-Ethiopia border at around 8am and staged the attack. He said security agencies were investigating the incident with an intention of seeking audience with authorities in Ethiopia. “We don’t know why they did it but we know there is a problem between the Oromo people and the Ethiopian Government. We hope they will return the guns and release those abducted,” he said on the phone. He added there had been no provocation to warrant the attack at the village. See also: Miraa harmful to your health, scientists maintain The attack is the latest in a series that have happened in the area. In November at Sololo, three police officers were killed by Ethiopian soldiers. This forced Kenya to deploy KDF soldiers and police officers along the border. In May 2015, a group of about 50 Ethiopian security forces armed with AK47 rifles crossed the border and stopped at the Illeret Police Station in North Horr, which is about 16 kilometers in Kenya. According to initial police reports, the group disembarked and took strategic positions around the police station. They later inspected the area and took photos of the area and talked to the Officer Commanding Station before leaving. They also stared at a lake that is down hills of the police station saying it was a good scenery before leaving.

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Thursday, December 10, 2015

Kenya, Ethiopia ink deal to end Moyale border conflict

By Agencies, Citizen Digital

President Uhuru Kenyatta and Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn

President Uhuru Kenyatta  and Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn promised on Monday to create jobs, reduce poverty and foster trade in their restive borderlands, where conflict has intensified in recent years.
The Sh20 billion project aims to create a trade and investment hub along the remote 860 km (530 mile) border where human, arms and drug trafficking are rife, the head of the United Nations in Kenya, Nardos Bekele-Thomas, said.
“The problem here is poverty,” she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. “It’s just hopelessness that creates insecurity.”

Clashes between herding communities over grazing land, water and cattle have become increasingly deadly due to an influx of guns, as well as political power struggles and fast-growing populations.
Kenya’s army was sent to restore order to the border town of Moyale, 800km (500 miles) north of the capital Nairobi, in 2013 after dozens were killed and villages were burned to the ground in a jostle for power between rival clan militias.
Around two-thirds of the population of Kenya’s Marsabit County – more than 70,000 people – fled, mostly to Ethiopia’s Borana Zone where many have relatives, the U.N. said.
“We can exchange conflict and insecurity for peace and prosperity,” Kenya’s President Uhuru Kenyatta told dignitaries seated in a white tent decorated with the two countries’ national colours.
“We shall work together to ensure that Moyale becomes the Dubai of the Horn of Africa,” he added, referring to the Middle Eastern trade hub.

A tarmac road linking Nairobi and the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa is due to be completed by September 2016, he said.
Restoring peace will be a challenge. The arid region is awash with guns due to its proximity to unstable Somalia where al Qaeda-linked militants have been fighting to topple the government.
Ethiopian soldiers also make sporadic incursions into Kenya in pursuit of Oromo Liberation Front rebels.
Many homesteads have guns to deter invaders, while herders often carry firearms to protect their animals because there is little police presence.
With the support of Western donors and the World Bank, the governments plan to diversify the livestock-dominated local economies and improve access to water, education and healthcare.
Eight in ten residents of Marsabit County live below the poverty line, government data shows.
Security officials held back large crowds who lined the road to watch the lengthy convoy of officials speed through the town.
Among them, 18-year-old Abdi Aden Adow said governments should boost cross-border trade as frequent droughts have pushed his family, who keep goats and camels, into poverty.
“There is no rain,” he said. “Life is very hard.”